chapter 1
Leading and Learning with
Nobody in Charge
Harlan Cleveland, political scientist and public executive, is president
emeritus of the World Academy of Art and Science. He has served as a United
Nations relief administrator in Italy and China, a Marshall Plan executive, a
magazine editor and publisher, assistant secretary of state, and U.S. ambassador
to NATO. As an academic leader he has twice been an academic dean and once a
university president (the University of Hawaii). He has written hundreds of
magazine and journal articles, and is author or coauthor of 12 books on
executive leadership and international affairs. His most recent book is
Nobody
in Charge: Essays on the Future of Leadership (Jossey-Bass, 2002). He earned his
bachelor’s degree from Princeton University and was a Rhodes Scholar.
f we raise our periscopes for a 360-degree look
around, we see that the pyramids and hierarchies of years past are rapidly being
replaced with networks and uncentralized systems.
In these
systems, larger numbers of people than ever take initiative, make policy,
collaborate to point their organizations’ ways forward, and work together to
release human ingenuity and maximize human choice. These people’s actions are
not, for the most part, the result of being told what to do. They are the
consequence, not of command and control, but of consultation, of relationships
that are intermixed, interwoven, and interactive.
This is the
state of affairs that led me to describe the most advanced form of human
organization as a nobody-in-charge system. That phrase, which became a
book title, was not wholly tongue-in-cheek; it was a way of describing the style
of leadership that was already a strong trend as we moved into the twenty-first
century.
In the last
quarter of the twentieth century, this trend was driven by the sudden
convergence of ever faster, more retentive computers with rapidly spreading,
increasingly wider-band telecommunications—a dynamic complexity that gets more
dynamic and more complex with each passing year.
It is clear by
now, as only a few futurists were forecasting in the 1970s, that information is
the world’s dominant resource, taking the role that has been played successively
in history by such physical resources as labor, stone, bronze, minerals, metals,
and energy.
But
information—refined by rational thinking into knowledge, converted by both
intuition and reasoning into wisdom—is fundamentally different from all its
predecessors. Consider these five propositions. Information is not necessarily
depletive: it expands as it’s used. It is readily transportable, at close to the
speed of light—or, by telepathy and prayer, even faster than that. It leaks so
easily that it is much harder to hide and to hoard than tangible resources ever
were; it cannot be owned (only its delivery service can). The spread of
information, converted into knowledge, empowers the many by eroding the
influence that once empowered the few who were “in the know.” And giving or
selling information is not an exchange transaction; it’s a sharing transaction.
These
deceptively simple propositions, as they sink in around the world and down the
generations, require new kinds of learning in every intellectual discipline and
the rethinking of every inherited tradition. The same is true, with special
emphasis, of future leadership in organizations. Organizations are essentially
products of the mind and spirit, expressions of what is thought, imagined, and
believed about relationships among people, and thus a rich source of relearning
experiences.
A Personal Note
I came to my own relearning experience from a
lifetime as a public executive—in the federal government, magazine publishing,
university administration, U.S. diplomacy, and international organizations—and,
over the same span of time, as a political scientist trying to capture and
record what I was learning from experience about organizations and leadership.
I had often
observed, for example, that large organizations needed to be loosely structured
in order to work at all. The bosses of totalitarian governance, whether fascist
or communist, never came to terms with this axiom; their rigidities seemed to
lead to their downfall.
Coming of age
in the U.S. government, I often felt like a kind of entrepreneur in the
bureaucratic jungle. As I studied its fancies and foibles from inside and
outside for half a century, I came to realize that pyramids are not the natural
form of organization—as cultures long submissive to monarchs or emperors had
evidently come to believe.
Late in the
eighteenth century, the leaders of the 13 American colonies not only declared
their independence in human-rights language that reads pretty well in the
twenty-first century. They also drafted a Constitution that departed
dramatically from the pyramids of power and oppression the colonists had learned
to despise. Indeed, they created the basis for a nobody-in-charge society—quite
literally a unique experiment in uncentralized governance.
The separation
of powers with its checks and balances were designed to deny any part of our
federal government the chance to make too much yardage at the expense of the
other parts—and of the people it was supposed to serve. The federal system
itself was designed to create a continuous tussle between the states and the
central government. The tussle was intended to be permanent; no part of the
system was ever supposed to win.
Looking back
on this in 2000, I realized that this way of thinking might well have global
implications in the new century. It is not just the durability of their
extraordinary invention that testifies to the founders’ wisdom. It is clear from
the record they left that they—at least, the deepest thinkers among them, James
Madison and Thomas Jefferson—knew just how unprecedented was the system they
were proposing to build. The people were really supposed to be
sovereign. Jefferson still believed this even after his eight years of trying,
as President from 1801 to 1809, to be their “servant leader.”
“I know of no
safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people
themselves,” Thomas Jefferson wrote to a friend in 1820, “and if we think them
not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion,
the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion.”
What’s truly
astonishing is that now, at the beginning of this new century, the practical
prospect for a workable world seems to lie in reinventing their nobody-in-charge
concept for global application.
The real-life
management of peace worldwide seems bound to require a Madisonian world of
bargains and accommodations among national and functional factions, a world in
which people are able to agree on what to do next without feeling the need (or
being dragooned by some global government) to agree on religious creeds,
economic canons, or political credos. A practical pluralism, not a unitary
universalism, is the likely destiny of the human race.
The Twilight of Hierarchy
In the century to which we just said goodbye, we
learned again and again that complex social systems work badly if they are too
centralized. Seismic changes in styles of
leadership are shifting nearly everywhere from top-down vertical
relationships toward horizontal, consensual, collaborative modes of bringing
people together to make something different happen.
The
complexities of modern life, and the interconnectedness of everything to
everything else, mean that in our communities, our nations, and our world,
nobody can possibly know enough to be in general charge of anything important or
interesting. This state of affairs is becoming more apparent with each passing
year. It may be one reason why, more and more, the “followers”—especially
university students and educated adults—seem so often to come forth with policy
judgments while their established “leaders” are still making up their minds.
That isn’t the
way it was when physical resources were dominant. When the few had access to key
resources and the many did not, there never seemed to be enough to go around.
This made possible—perhaps even necessary—the development of hierarchies of five
kinds: hierarchies of power based on control (of new weapons, of new transport
vehicles, of trade routes, of markets, of communications, and even of knowledge,
back when secrets could be secure); hierarchies of influence based on secrecy;
hierarchies of class based on ownership; hierarchies of privilege based on early
access to particular pieces of land or currently valuable resources; and
hierarchies of politics based on geography.
Each of these
five bases for hierarchy and discrimination began crumbling in the waning years
of the twentieth century—because the old means of control were of dwindling
efficacy, secrets were harder and harder to keep (as the CIA and the White House
relearned every few weeks), and ownership, early arrival, and geography were of
declining importance in accessing, remembering, analyzing, and using the
knowledge and wisdom that are the truly valuable legal tender of our time.
Drift Toward Uncentralization
The drift toward uncentralized systems began to
take hold of our destiny in the second half of the twentieth century. Just below
the surface in every kind of organization, something important was happening,
something very different from the vertical practice—recommendations up, orders
down—of both public administration and business management. The “bright future
for complexity,” foretold in a 1927 New Yorker piece by E. B. White,
had come to pass, prodded and speeded by the modern miracles of information
technology.
This was not a temporary
aberration from some centralized norm. It was happening because information had
recently become the world’s dominant resource. With every generation of
information technology—that is, every two or three years—our future becomes more
uncentralized. This has to be good news for individual creativity and invention,
for personal freedom, for human choice.
The twilight of hierarchy
means that we need new kinds of leaders. The new era requires leaders who are
nonstop learners and will eagerly share what they learn. It requires leaders who
learn, early and often, how to fuse chaos and order in uncentralized systems.
The century just past thus
gave rise to a dichotomy between how organizations are described and how they
actually work. Many organizations, for instance, still look like pyramids from a
distance; but both their internal processes and their external relations feature
much less order–giving and much more consultation and consensus. The sheer
complexity of what has to get done—by governments and corporations, and by their
myriad contractors, subcontractors, and nonprofit critics and cheerleaders—means
that huge numbers of people exercise independent judgment and consult with each
other and with outsiders; they don’t just do as they’re told.
Naturally, the search has been
on for alternatives to centralization as an organizing concept. The
first and seemingly obvious candidate was decentralization. It turned
out, however, that most of the central administrators who opted to decentralize
found, to their satisfaction, that this was a new way to preserve hierarchy. If
things were becoming so complicated that grandpa could no longer understand it
all, he could still subdivide and parcel out the work to be done—while hanging
onto central control with more and more creative accounting systems.
Decentralization thus became
an aspect, indeed a subhead, of centralization. The real opposite of
centralization is of course uncentralization. Decentralizing is
arranged from the top, by delegation of authority. Uncentralization features,
indeed encourages, imaginative initiative and entrepenourship from all members
of an organization, whatever their hierarchical rank. Mao Tse-tung played with
this idea for a time; he called it “many flowers blooming.” He then pulled back
when it became clear that if China’s government really permitted the free
exercise of opinion and initiative, the Communist Party’s central control would
be the first casualty.
Despite the trend toward
looser, less hierarchical organizational systems, for most twentieth-century
people the image of good organization was still a pyramid. In corporations,
organization charts were drawn following Max Weber’s model of bureaucracy.
Nonprofit agencies usually did likewise; they assumed that organizations making
a profit must be doing something right.
In government, the pyramid’s
top tier was typically staffed by political executives, with serried ranks of
civil servants—servants expected to be civil to politicians—arranged in the
lower tiers.
Organized religion had
likewise developed hierarchical trappings—that’s what “organized” was taken to
mean. Holy men (and in some denominations, grudgingly, holy women) were in the
pulpit; affluent laypersons served as middle managers; parishioners in the pews
were expected to be religious but not self-organized. Labor unions, despite
their more egalitarian vocabulary, often had the look and feel of pyramids. And
so did many social service agencies—though few went so far as the Salvation Army
did in using military titles and uniforms.
The marriage of computers and
telecommunications multiplied the speed and extended to global range financial
speculation, business transactions, military operations, political dissidence,
and humanitarian activity. The widening access to information about what’s
happening, about who is doing what to whom and when and where, brought into
financial markets and business decisions and military strategy and political
protest and even humanitarian relief a host of kibitzers, lobbyists, and
second-guessers who knew so much—or could readily discover it on the
Internet—that they had to be taken into account.
There are still, to be sure,
distinctions between organizations where the style of management is looser and
more collegial and others where recommendations mostly go up and orders mostly
come down. But by the end of the twentieth century, all kinds of
organizations—from military platoons to urban hospitals—were moving away from
vertical administration toward more consultative styles of operation.
The Nature of Uncentralization
Uncentralized systems feature personal initiative, voluntary cooperation, joint
ventures, committee work, and networking. Their workways are reinforced by the
rapid progress of information technology and its impact on everything from
preschool education to the understanding of our universe.
Very large uncentralized
systems, many of them global in scale, based on massive information outputs and
widespread feedback, have been developed in the twentieth century. Global
information systems unimaginable before the marriage of computers and
telecommunications—currency and commodity markets, epidemic controls, automatic
banking, worldwide credit cards, airline and hotel reservation systems, global
navigation guidance, and the World Weather Watch come readily to mind—already
seem normal, almost routine.
It is no accident of history
that each of these systems grew from the propensity of ambitious leaders to
think hard about how the spread of knowledge could enable more and more people
to solve problems by organizing information in imaginative ways—in other words,
leading by learning.
In all these cases, there are
commonly agreed standards, plus a great deal of uncentralized discretion. The
same is true, even more true, of the international foreign exchange market and
the Internet, now the world’s two most pervasive nobody-in-charge systems. Their
common standards so far are mostly technical. Ethical standards for global human
behavior await the social inventors of the twenty-first century.
It’s in the nature of
uncentralized organization that every participant must be continuously in
learning mode. It’s also natural that those who learn the most, and learn most
rapidly, emerge as leaders. And part of what they learn is the necessity to
teach their colleagues (regardless of rank) about what they’re doing together
and how and, especially, why.
What is less certain, and most
important as complexity increases, is how we develop our capacity to educate a
growing proportion of our population to direct toward human needs and purposes
our extraordinary talent for scientific discovery, our unexampled capacity to
convert scientific insights into useful technologies, our bent toward doing
what’s never been done before. We’ll need a rapidly growing cadre of
get-it-all-together professionals, educated in integrative thinking.
Aptitudes and Attitudes
The
spread of knowledge greatly influences the way people in modern organizations
work together—working with rather than for each other.
The executive leaders of the
future will, I think, be marked by a set of attitudes and aptitudes that seem to
be necessary for the leadership of equals, the key to the administration of
complexity. They will be more reflective practitioners than the executives of
the past. They will be low-key people, with soft voices and high boiling points.
They will show a talent for consensus and a tolerance for ambiguity. They will
have a penchant for unwarranted optimism. And they will find private joy in
complexity and change.
The work of executives often
consists of meeting a series of unforeseeable obstacles on the road to an
objective that can be clearly specified only when it has nearly been met. They
try to imagine the unforeseen by posing contingencies and asking themselves how
their organization systems would adjust if these chances arose. Of
course, the planned-for contingency never happens; something else happens
instead. The planning therefore does not produce a usable plan but something
more precious: people better trained to analyze the unpredicted and to winnow
out for the decision makers (who are almost always plural) the choices that
would be too costly to fudge or postpone.
This sort of system requires
the participating experts and staff assistants to understand what it is like to
be an executive leader, how it feels to frame a decision that will stick. But it
also demands that the decision makers themselves participate in the staff work,
try to understand the expert testimony, measure the options and filter the
imagined consequences of each through their best computers, which are their own
brains.
Even in collective research or
policy making by committee, the breakthrough ideas often turn out to be the
product of one person’s advance brooding, reading, consulting, and learning—of
someone’s sudden inspiration that assembles in a usable pattern the random data
and partial reasoning of others. Anyone who has worked with organized systems
has to be impressed with the capacity of the human brain to cope with
complexity. Viewed as a sensitive computer not limited to quantified bits, the
brain is able to take in a wide range of observations, weigh them according to
their multiple relevance, store them in a memory of fantastic dimensions,
retrieve them with high speed and reasonable accuracy, organize them into
options, come up with a practical course of action, and transmit instructions to
other parts of the body in a fraction of a second.
An organization system is by
definition too ramified for any one executive’s mind to encompass. But leaders
can focus on the relations among its parts and its people, and they can
concentrate their executive energy on the parts that don’t fit together and on
the relationships that are not working well.
In the information-rich
environment of the twenty-first century, the leader must therefore be
reflective, not just by training but also by temperament. The leader who isn’t
learning all the time, personally plowing through the analysis and trying to
figure out what it means, is not making decisions but merely presiding while
others decide. My experience has taught me that the obligation to think hard,
fast, and free is the one executive function that can neither be avoided nor
delegated to others.
Your personality, your winning
smile, your sexiness, or your attractive voice may seem persuasive leadership
assets. But it’s by thinking and imagining that you can decide where you want to
go, and persuade others to come along.
Mutual Adjustment
If all
organizations are—slowly or rapidly—becoming nobody-in-charge systems, how will
anything get done? How will we get everybody in on the act and still get some
action?
We will do it, I think, by
minimizing, and clearly defining, what everybody must agree on—common norms and
standards—and in all other matters maximizing each participant’s opportunity and
incentive to use his or her common sense, imagination, and persuasive skills to
advance the organization’s common purpose. This requires learning all the time.
It also requires, of course,
that those who are going to pursue an organization’s purpose together be openly
consulted not only about how they will pursue it but also about the purpose
itself. Wisdom about uncentralized systems thus starts with a simple
observation: most of what each of us does from day to day does not happen
because someone told us to do it but because we know it needs to be done.
When you walk along a city
street, you don’t collide with other pedestrians; you, and they, instinctively
avoid bumping into each other. To generalize: any human system that works is
working because nearly all of the people involved in it cooperate to make sure
it works.
Political scientist Charles
Lindblom called this “mutual adjustment”: in a generally understood environment
of moral rules, norms, conventions, and mores, very large numbers of people can
watch each other, then modify their own behavior just enough to accommodate the
differing purposes of others, but not so much that the mutual adjusters lose
sight of where they themselves want to go.
Imagine a large clump of
people on either side of a busy downtown intersection, waiting for the traffic
light to change before crossing the street. There is macro discipline here. The
convention of the red light means the same thing—stop—to all the participants in
this complexity, even though there is no physical barrier to violating the norm.
Then the light turns green. It would be theoretically possible, with the help of
a sizable staff of computer analysts, to chart in a central micro plan the
passageway for each pedestrian to enable him or her to get to the other sidewalk
without colliding with any other pedestrian. But not even the most totalitarian
systems have tried to plan in such detail.
What works is mutual
adjustment: somehow those two knots of people march toward each other, and there
are no collisions. Each person adjusts to the others, yet all reach their
objective—a positive-sum game if there ever was one.
What enables mutual adjustment
to work is the wide availability of opportunities to learn from relevant
information—so each mutual adjuster can figure out what others might do under
varied conditions and give forth useful signals about his or her own behavior.
Perhaps the best current
example of mutual adjustment at work is the Internet—at least on a good day.
People all over the world are exchanging information, images, music, and voice
messages, with so little regulation that their “commerce” is often
noncommercial—in effect, a multilateral barter system. Most of their
transactions are not essentially exchanges but sharing arrangements. Where there
are rules of behavior, they are increasingly arrived at by consensus among the
participants, or at least ratified in action by those who will be guided by
them.
That doesn’t mean the
rule-abiding citizens are serfs, doing some lord’s bidding; there’s no lord
around there. If the rules work, it’s because nearly all those who need to abide
by them are motivated to comply because the rules make sense to them.
The Value of Integrative Thinking
Civilization is rooted in compromise—between democracy and authority, between a
free-market economy and a caring society, between openness and secrecy, between
vertical and horizontal relationships, between active and passive citizenship.
The required solvent for civilization is respect for differences. The art is to
be different together.
Civilization will be built by
cooperation and compassion, in a social climate where people of different groups
can deal with each other in ways that respect their cultural differences.
“Wholeness incorporating diversity” was philosopher John Gardner’s succinct
formulation. The legend on U.S. currency is even shorter, perhaps because it’s
in Latin: E pluribus unum (“from many, one”). Helping the many think of
themselves as one, selling wholeness that can incorporate diversity, will be a
central challenge for many different kinds of leaders in the twenty-first
century.
When nobody can be in general
charge, and some self-selected subset of everybody is partly in charge, the
notion of educating for leadership morphs into educating for citizenship. In the
upside-down pyramid, where the people ultimately do make the policy, leadership
is continuous dialogue—not acts but interactions between those who lead and
those who follow, the leaders and followers often being different mixes of
citizens, depending on what is up for decision.
Learning is thus the
drivewheel of organizational transformation in the informatized society. With
information now the world’s dominant resource, the quality of life in our
communities and our leadership in the world depend on how many of us (and which
of us) get educated for the new knowledge environment—and how demanding,
relevant, continuous, broad, and wise (not merely knowledgeable) that learning
is. Integrative learning—learning how to get it all together— has to be
the essence of education for leadership.
We are born with naturally
integrative minds. I suspect that a newborn baby knows from the start, by
instinct, that everything is related to everything else. Before the child is
exposed to formal education, its curiosity is all-embracing. The child hasn’t
yet been told about the parts and so is interested in the whole.
Children and young students
are not shocked to learn that everything is related to everything else, that
their destiny is somehow mixed up with the fate of the other six billion people
(so far) with whom they share a vulnerable planet. It’s only later in life,
after they have been taught about the world in vertical slices of knowledge, by
different experts in separate buildings in unrelated courses of study, that they
lose track of how it all fits together.
That’s why children ask more
“why?” questions than anybody. It’s quite possible for even young children to
learn to think in systems. They live with interdependence every day—in families
and homerooms and the local public park, which is a very complex ecological
system. The ambience of mutual dependence, the ambiguities of personal
relations, and the conflicting ambitions of groups are the stuff of
socialization from our earliest years.
If they’re encouraged to
practice integrative thinking from their earliest years, the children who become
leaders can tackle with less diffidence the Cheshire Cat’s first question:
“Where do you want to get to?”
Everyone seems to know that
“out there in the real world,” all the problems are interdisciplinary and all
the solutions are interdepartmental, interprofessional, interdependent, and
international.
But the more we learn,
ironically, the less tied together is our learning. It’s not
situation-as-a-whole thinking, it’s the separation of the specialized kinds of
knowledge that (like racial prejudice) must be “carefully taught.”
Jasmina Wellinghoff, a Twin
Cities scientist and writer, wrote about her daughter:
When my
six-year-old learned that we heat the house with forced air, she immediately
wanted to know who is forcing the air, where natural gas comes from, and how it
got stuck underground. After I did my best to explain all this, came the next
question: ‘If we didn’t have natural gas, would we die in the winter?’ There you
have it. Geology, engineering, physics, and biology, all together in a hierarchy
of concepts and facts. She ended up studying the structure of the earth’s crust,
combustion, hydraulics, and the classification of living beings—all in different
years and quarters, neatly separated, tested, and graded.
Our institutions—including
schools and colleges—start with a heavy bias against breadth. For a while it was
a useful bias: the secret of the scientific revolution’s success was not breadth
but specialized depth. Chopping up the study of physical reality into vertically
sliced puzzles, each to be deciphered separately by different experts using
different analytical chains of reasoning (“disciplines”), made possible the
modern division and specialization of labor.
But one thing led to another,
as E. B. White thought it would (“Have you ever considered,” he wrote in the
1920s, “how complicated things can get, what with one thing always leading to
another?”). The resulting complexity now makes it imperative that these
differing analytical systems be cross-related in interdisciplinary thinking and
coordinated action. Those who would lead must therefore learn to think
integratively.
A New Core Curriculum?
The
trouble is that schools and colleges, and especially graduate schools, are
geared more to categorizing and analyzing the patches of knowledge than to
stitching them together—even though the people who learn how to do that
stitching will be the leaders of the next generation. What should we be helping
them learn, for this purpose, during the years they are full-time learners?
Most of us who are now parents
or grandparents were not exposed early and often to a tangle of cultures,
currencies, conflicts, and communities. To our schoolchildren from now on,
learning about these complexities should be routine. But that will require a new
emphasis on integrative thinking in our schools, our higher education, our
popular culture, and at that ultimate educational institution, the family dinner
table.
What we need now is a theory
of general education that is clearly relevant to life and work in a context
whose dominant resource is information— a rapidly changing scene in which
uncertainty is the main planning factor.
Perhaps, in the alternating
current of general and job-oriented education, it is time for a new synthesis, a
new “core curriculum”—something very different from Columbia’s World
Civilization, Syracuse’s Responsible Citizenship, or Chicago’s Great Books, yet
still a central idea about what every educated person should know, and have, and
try to be.
Such a curriculum is not going
to have much to do with learning facts. It is said that each half hour produces
enough new knowledge to fill a 24-volume edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica.
But even if that much data could now be put on a single optical disk, that still
would make it accessible only to those who already know what they are looking
for. Besides, most of the facts children now learn in school are unlikely to be
true for as long as they can remember them. The last time I took physics, in the
1930s, I was told the atom couldn’t be split. That information has not served me
well in the nuclear era.
What budding leaders need
above all are rechargeable batteries of general theory with which they can
creatively process the shifting “facts” they encounter in a lifetime of
experience. If we think hard about the requirements of the new knowledge
environment and consult the instincts and perceptions of our own future-oriented
students, I believe we could construct a new core curriculum from such elements
as these:
Education in integrative brainwork: the
capacity to synthesize for the solution of real‑world problems the analytical
methods and insights of conventional academic disciplines. (Exposure to basic
science and mathematics, to elementary systems analysis, and to what a computer
can and cannot do, are part, but only a part, of this education.)
Education about social goals, public
purposes, the costs and benefits of openness, and the ethics of citizenship to
enable each prospective leader to answer for himself or herself two questions:
“Apart from the fact that I am expected to do this, is this what I would expect
myself to do?” and “Does the validity of this action depend on its
secrecy?”
A capacity for self-analysis: the
achievement of some fluency in answering the question, “Who am I?” through the
study of ethnic heritage, religion and philosophy, art and literature.
Some practice in real-world negotiation, the
psychology of consultation, and the nature of leadership in the knowledge
environment.
A global perspective and an attitude of
personal responsibility for the general outcome—passports to citizenship in an
interdependent world.
Uncentralized Leadership—a Checklist
How to
conceive, plan, organize, and lead human institutions in ways that best release
human ingenuity and maximize human choice is one of the great conundrums of the
century ahead. Long-ago philosophy and recent history provide useful hints for
leaders—the people who bring other people together in organizations to make
something different happen. Here, by way of summary, are some hints from my own
experience.
No individual can be truly “in general charge”
of anything interesting or important. That means everyone
involved is partly in charge. How big a part each participant plays will depend
on how responsible he or she feels for the general outcome of the collective
effort, and what he or she is willing to do about it.
Broader is better. The more
people affected by a decision feel they were consulted about it, the more likely
it is that the decision will stick.
Looser is better. The fewer
and narrower are the rules that everyone must follow, the more room
there is for individual discretion and initiative, small-group insights and
innovations, regional adaptations, functional variations. Flexibility and
informality are good for workers’ morale, constituency support, investor
enthusiasm, customer satisfaction.
Planning is not “architecture,” it’s more like
fluid drive. Real-life planning is improvisation on a general
sense of direction, announced by a few perhaps, but only after genuine
consultation with the many who will need to improvise on it.
Information is for sharing, not hoarding.
Planning staffs, systems analysis units, and others whose full-time assignment
is to think shouldn’t report only in secret to some boss. Their relevant
knowledge has to be shared, sooner rather than later, with all those who might
be able to use it to advance the organization’s purpose. (Some years ago
Japanese auto companies—advised by a genius engineer from Michigan—started
sharing much more information on productivity with workers on the assembly
lines. Small groups of workers on the factory floor, reacting to that
information, were able to think up countless little changes that increased
speed, cut costs, improved quality, and enhanced productivity. Quite suddenly,
Japanese autos became globally supercompetitive.)
Uncentralized Systems—a Checklist
It may
also be helpful to sum up—and thus oversimplify—the rationale for the
uncentralized systems that seem likely to be more and more characteristic of the
post-post-modern era now ahead of us: In order for any complex activity to run
in an uncentralized manner, there have to be some rules of the game (like
standards).
These rules need to be adopted through a
participatory or representative process so that nearly all the “followers” will
feel they have been part of the “leadership.”
Until the rules become shared doctrine,
there needs to be some interim authority—the policeman at a new urban
intersection, the foreman in an industrial process, the guru in an ashram, a
parent in a family—to remind everybody about the rules.
In time, the rules become internalized
standards of behavior—and the resulting community doesn’t need anybody to be “in
charge.” Procedural reminders can be mostly automated.
The rules are then learned in families and
schools, by adult training and experience, and by informal (but effective) peer
pressure.
In every well-functioning market, most of
those involved in the myriad transactions are able to buy when they want to buy
and sell when they want to sell, precisely because no one is in charge, telling
them what to do. The discipline is instead provided by wide and instant
knowledge of the prevailing price of whatever is sought or offered. Modern
information technologies have made this knowledge spread possible on a global
scale.
The uncentralized way of thinking and
working naturally becomes more complicated as civilization moves from the small
homogeneous village to large multicultural societies, and beyond that to the
governance of communities in cyberspace. But there is evidently a path from the
need for standards through the practice of consensus and the constituting of
interim authorities (whose mandate is to work themselves out of their interim
jobs), to patterns of naturally cooperative human behavior.
It’s a
path that may become universally valid for organized human effort, however
complex. Once upon a time, it seems to have required centuries and even
millennia for human societies to find their way along a path without precedent.
But everything else is speeded up these days. Maybe, once we can trace the path,
our capacity to build uncentralized organizations will also be greatly
accelerated—if we keep learning.
In any event, the motivation
of men and women in organizations to keep learning—and their willingness to try
what’s never been done before—will be the priceless ingredient of progress in
the uncentralized systems of the twenty-first century.
(c) Creating a Learning
Culture: Strategy, Practice, and Technology. Marcia L. Conner and James G.
Clawson, editors. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, July 2004)